India, with its 140 crore citizens, entrusts just 543 individuals responsible for leading and serving the nation. This privilege, however, has come after a long and arduous struggle. When I say struggle, I do not refer solely to India’s freedom movement but also to the challenges—past and present—that elected representatives have faced and continue to endure.
Let’s break it down. The fight for Indians to represent themselves within the formal governance structure began in 1885 with the first session of the Indian National Congress in Mumbai. Over time, this demand evolved into the call for Poorna Swaraj—complete self-rule. Fast forward to today, and the struggle persists, albeit differently. The complex structure of political parties and India’s extensive electoral process demand everything from those who wish to contest. To be elected is a battle; remaining in the race for the future is an entirely different challenge.
Of course, the most challenging test arises when questions of ethics and value systems are involved—but that is a debate for another time. These challenges pale compared to the more significant issues plaguing our democracy. While news channels push their narratives, and social media users intrude on the private lives of public figures or engage in frivolous controversies, the fundamental questions about our democratic institutions are often overlooked.
As I write this, an incident from the book Nothing but the Truth by our founder, Mr. Rishabh Shah, comes to mind. It took place during the Emergency of 1976, when those in power ensured that any form of opposition was crushed. Many leaders were imprisoned, placed under house arrest, or fled the country in self-preservation. Amid this turmoil, a parliamentary session was convened where the obituary list was being read. At the end of the reading, a young parliamentarian raised a Point of Order, stating, “You have missed out on one name. You should have added India’s democracy to that list.”
That young man was Dr. Subramanian Swamy, a 37-year-old Rajya Sabha member. Many do not know that his defiance was strategic—parliamentary rules dictated that any member absent for more than six consecutive months would lose their seat. At the time, MPs took on responsibilities with such gravity that national interest and their duty as representatives were paramount.
This brings us to a pressing question: What about today’s parliamentarians? In the Lok Sabha, eight members did not attend a single session during the first half of the budget session, and nearly fifty attended only four out of nine days. If elected representatives—chosen by the people to serve in the temple of democracy—cannot dedicate nine days to parliamentary proceedings, how can they justify their positions? This problem is not exclusive to the ruling party; the opposition is equally culpable. I believe such absenteeism is the highest form of disservice a Member of Parliament can commit against their constituents.
The irony is that while all 543 MPs found the time to express their views on the Union Budget in public forums, 90 were absent when the budget was being presented in the house. Over nine days, parliamentary records show that only 33 hours and 36 minutes were spent on meaningful debates, with just 170-173 members actively participating. Instead of boasting about such statistics, the hour must be introspective, taking parliamentary proceedings more efficiently.
For context, efficiency—popularised by Elon Musk—is a crucial metric in modern governance. Each session of Parliament costs the Indian government ₹2.5 lakh per minute. By simple calculation, the time wasted due to unproductive debates and disruptions cost the nation nearly ₹44 crore. The most troubling aspect? There is no collective accountability. No one will hold the Parliament as a whole responsible.
Another glaring disparity is in the age demographics of our leadership. While India’s median age is 28, the average age of Lok Sabha members is 56—precisely double. It is imperative that young people actively participate in parliamentary proceedings and engage in governance. However, we must also acknowledge young leaders’ challenges in breaking into the system. Contesting elections in India requires significant financial resources, strong backing, and, most critically, a place on a party’s candidate list—something that is often elusive for newcomers. Theoretically, change seems achievable, but practically, the hurdles are immense.
That being said, change has to start somewhere. While the journey will be difficult, it is only by taking the first step that transformation can begin. Until then, what can be done? The onus is on those within Parliament to reform its functioning. There was a time when the House was filled with leaders of wit, wisdom, and patriotism—who debated fiercely yet upheld mutual respect and civility. Today, the situation has deteriorated to the point where some parliamentarians ridicule influencers and content creators, yet fail to realise that their behavior in the House is no better.
Recent disruptions in Parliament, personal attacks, and behavior unbecoming of elected representatives call for weighty introspection, if we are to restore the institution’s dignity.
Finally, the responsibility also lies with us—the citizens. We must hold our leaders accountable, track their performance in Parliament, and question their commitment. If we fail to do so, a day may come when every citizen will rise and declare.